The Heritage of the Roma in the Private Collections of Paweł Lechowski
The oldest iconographic sources reveal the diversity of Roma costumes and suggest associations with the attire of other communities with whom the Roma interacted during their migrations. Some sources depict the Roma as a highly exotic group compared to local populations, distinguished by certain anthropological traits and often by their attire. At times, they are portrayed in the garb of pilgrims, travellers, or beggars – impressions likely reflecting the perceptions of the creators of these sources. Thus, it is challenging to define the type of clothing they wore during their initial presence in Europe. It can be assumed that their garments varied in form, fabric, shape, length, and material value. Changes primarily affected elements such as skirts, petticoats, aprons, kerchiefs, and shirts.

Photograph: “Gypsy woman”, J. Wojdyga, graphic reproduction of Kluczewski’s painting, 19th century.
Possibly influenced by interactions with their surroundings, the Roma altered their attire or elements of it, incorporating innovations characteristic of their previous places of residence (countries or regions). Upon arriving in new areas of Europe, their distinct clothing set them apart, often perceived as typical of their ethnicity. Elements of their attire also signified territorial connections, as exemplified by the wide trousers worn by Muslim Romani women in the Balkans, broad belts (aravli) in Transylvania, loose trousers and jackets among Polish Roma men, or the broad-brimmed black hats typical of the Gabors in Transylvania.

Photograph: A traditionally dressed Gabor man wearing a broad-brimmed hat, Negreni market, Romania, circa 2016.
Over time, the Roma began to regard clothing as an indicator of their identity, status, and even religion. Attire, and sometimes specific elements or colours, acquired special significance, marking affiliation with particular Romani groups. In some groups, a dress code emerged as a hallmark of identity. This code included mandatory shared elements while allowing individuality, often expressed through decoration. Such dress codes defined what was acceptable, permissible, or forbidden, uniting the group and distinguishing it from non-Roma communities (gadje) and other Romani groups. Within the group, clothing also conveyed additional meanings: for women, it signified social status (e.g., single, married) and even sexual maturity, indicating readiness for marriage.

Photograph: Vest purchased and worn by a Romanian Kalderash woman, Poland, 1990s.
Kalderash attire, particularly among women, stands out for its vibrancy and richness. Red elements, associated with magical protective properties against external threats, dominate women’s clothing. Kalderash women wear colourful floral blouses (historically without buttons, tied at the waist with ribbons) often paired with vests. Their skirts, voluminous and brightly coloured, either contrast with or complement the blouse’s colours. In Romani tradition, skirts are considered a particularly impure garment – if thrown on or touched by a man, it could defile him, requiring ritual purification.

Photograph: Red costumes of the Kalderash king’s clan, Sibiu, Romania, circa 2012.
Roma skirts are long (often reaching the ground), densely pleated, and tied at the front. Kalderash women wear aprons (kentrica), a type of apron tied at the back, usually made from the same fabric and colour as the skirts. The apron has a magical-protective function, separating the impurity of the skirt from outsiders and shielding the Romani women’s clothing from the uncleanliness of the gadje. It often includes pockets for personal items such as cigarettes, money, and cards, protecting them from contact with the “impure” skirt. Underneath the skirts, Kalderash women wear petticoats (fusta), often embroidered or trimmed with lace, with at least one white petticoat closest to the body being obligatory. Married Kalderash women are required to wear head coverings, typically colourful, floral, and brightly hued kerchiefs tied in a specific way at the back of the head. Until the mid-20th century, many Romani women in various regions went barefoot.

Photograph: An apron protecting against defilement by the “impure” skirt for Romani men, as well as shielding the woman from the “filth” of the outside world of the gadje, Negreni, Romania, circa 2016.
The posoci, a special type of pocket often made from pillowcases with sewn-in ribbons and zippers, was exclusively worn by women, tied at the waist, usually under the apron or sometimes externally. It served to carry personal items such as cards, cigarettes, and pipes. The posoci also had a protective function, separating the items within it from the “impure” skirt. Occasionally referred to as a “thief’s pocket” by gadje, it was often used to quickly conceal various “treasures”. Bright, patterned fabrics with colourful, shiny decorations (e.g., metal dragons, colourful buttons, preferably red) were chosen for making posoci, likely serving protective purposes.

Photograph: Posoci – sometimes called a “thief’s pocket”, displaying protective patterns, made in Kraków by a Romanian Roma woman, circa 1995.
Married Kalderash men wore mandatory headgear, including tall black lamb’s wool caps (common in Romania, Hungary, Serbia, Moldova, and Bulgaria) or black hats with a distinctive brim turned up at the sides and back. These hats often featured dark ribbons with a thin double white edging, fastened at the front with a small brass buckle. The hat symbolised tribal affiliation and provided protection from the elements. Kalderash men also wore shirts, traditionally white or patterned, often layered with dark waistcoats, usually black, with interior pockets for small items. The Kalderash attire from Romania likely influenced the development of other Romani groups’ clothing, which was previously simpler and less colourful. Historically, they wore thick quilted trousers, sometimes embroidered with floral patterns. Today, they wear ordinary fabric trousers in dark colours (black or dark grey). Shoes, once black with high shafts into which trousers were tucked, are now typically dark loafers.

Photograph: From left – hat worn by a Kalderash man, lamb’s wool cap typical of Romania, and typical Gabor hat, Romania, 20th and 21st centuries.
Men wore belts – trzos – fastened with several buckles, often embossed and studded with rivets, sometimes featuring colourful leather appliqués or interwoven coloured straps. These belts could include pockets on the inner or outer side for documents or money. Sometimes, belts were made from folded leather, creating a pocket along almost the entire length. Some were embossed with geometric (e.g., circles, diamonds) and floral designs. Others featured small embossed crosses with apotropaic (protective) properties, sometimes including the date of manufacture, hot-pressed into the leather. Belts were typically purchased from non-Romani craftsmen, often at fairs.

Photograph: Traditional Romani belts, upper – purchased at Negreni fair, circa 2011; lower – gifted by a Roma man from Zarnesti, Romania, featuring the embossed date 1939.
The distinctive clothing of the Gabors (in Romanian – Hungarian Gypsies) is notable. Their name derives from Gábor Bethlen, the ruler of Transylvania (1613–1629), known for reforms benefiting the Roma, including liberation from slavery. Out of gratitude, they adopted his name for their group. This group is also referred to as “White Gypsies”. Gabor women’s attire mirrors the style and colour of Kalderash women’s clothing, though red is less dominant, with white, green, and violet often appearing in floral skirts. Married women wear headscarves, while girls braid their hair with red ribbons and bows. With age, skirt colours become more subdued, turning black or navy for funerals. Gabor men typically wear black hats with wide brims, resembling those of Hasidic Jews or Mormons. They wear white or dark shirts and loose dark (often black) trousers, along with black waistcoats made from leather or fabric. A distinctive custom involves carrying pocket watches on chains. Men do not shave their moustaches, and some grow sideburns.

Photograph: Gabor couple at a market, Negreni, Romania, 2016.
Within the Romani community, jewellery and ornaments are widespread. These are usually made of gold or silver, though historical sources mention copper ornaments in previous centuries. For women, large, heavy earrings are almost obligatory, often decorated with red coral, serving an apotropaic function. Jewellery is typically custom-made. Roma women also favour bracelets, rings, and necklaces, often crafted from coins strung on cords or ribbons. Women sometimes wove coins into their hair by threading ribbons or strands of hair through holes in the coins. Romani women also occasionally wore coral necklaces. Men preferred signet rings, often gold or silver, sometimes made from coins and ornately decorated, frequently set with stones. Large, heavy signet rings symbolised wealth. Men also commonly wore gold chains, thick and heavy, often ending in crosses or large pendants.

Photograph: Roma jewellery, including a silver signet ring made from a coin depicting Franz Joseph, Romania, Poland. A cross and a tombac signet ring, with a silver signet ring made from a coin featuring the image of Emperor Franz Joseph between them.
In the Balkans, Romani Muslim communities are distinguished by specific attire. Women wear shalwar – colourful, patterned trousers sometimes paired with skirts. Longer tunics reaching just above the knees, revealing the trousers underneath, are also common. Their heads are adorned with scarves tied in an Eastern style, resembling turbans. Historically, Romani Muslim women in the Balkans wore upturned-toe shoes, a practice now rare. Their feet and legs are entirely covered. Men’s headwear included turbans or fezzes in the past, but today they wear various caps, usually in dark colours.

Photograph: Romani Muslim women in wide shalwar trousers, Bulgaria, circa 1999.
Children’s clothing often mimicked adult attire, regardless of gender. Young girls frequently wore brightly coloured bows in their hair (braids), possibly serving a protective magical function. Other clothing mirrored the dress of adult women from their group. Similarly, boys’ clothing replicated adult men’s outfits, often including hats mandatory for adult men. This led gadje communities to perceive boys’ clothing as age-inappropriate, while for the Roma, it reflected tradition. Modern migrations, global access to cultural goods, rapid cultural exchange, and crossing cultural and social boundaries have increasingly embraced the heritage of various ethnic and regional groups, including their designs.

Photograph: Traditional hand-sewn Romani children’s clothing, Poland and Romania, 20th century.

Photographs by Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski.
Paweł Lechowski, born in Kraków in 1948, began establishing connections with locals and visiting Roma during his secondary school years at V Liceum im. Augusta Witkowskiego in Kraków. His interactions deepened in the late 1960s while studying ethnography at Jagiellonian University. Through fieldwork and trips to Spiš, he became acquainted with the Roman community in Czarna Góra, broadening his network to include Kraków, Nowa Huta, and other regions of Poland (Podhale, Orava, Upper and Lower Silesia). Between 1977 and 1979, he informally assisted with Andrzej Bartosz’s “Gypsies in Polish Culture” exhibition at the Tarnów Museum. Subsequent years saw him deepen his understanding of various Roma communities (Tarnów, Dębica, Gorzów Wielkopolski, Olsztyn, Szczawnica, Nowy Sącz, and others). He also met other Romani researchers, including Jerzy Ficowski, Professor Lach Mróz, photographer Janusz Helfer, and others. During his tenure at the Ethnographic Museum in Tarnów (1986–1993), his interactions with Roma and individuals and institutions dedicated to this community intensified both in Poland and abroad (e.g., Edward Dębicki, Eva Davidova from the Czech Republic, Marcel Courthiade from France, Lev Cherenkov from Russia, Katalin Kovalcsik from Hungary, the Borderland Centre in Sejny, and the “Rma than” Theatre in Košice). In 1990, he organised the “Romani Handicrafts and Art” exhibition during the 4th World Romani Congress in Warsaw, marking the beginning of his systematic collection of Romani artefacts. This period also included numerous exhibitions (Warsaw, Łomża, Białystok). The 1990s marked the peak of his daily interactions with Roma migrants from Romania, aiding them as a translator and intermediary with Polish institutions. These close relationships facilitated frequent visits to Romania and the acquisition of new items for his collection. Currently, as a member of the Roma Educational Association Harangos, he is involved in its projects and initiatives and other efforts supporting Roma by individuals, associations, and institutions. With the support of kind individuals, he strives to secure a permanent, safe, and professional space for his growing collection.
The historical text was developed by Paweł Lechowski with contributions from Łukasz Kocój and Dr. Ewa Kocój. Photographs are from Paweł Lechowski’s collection. The article was shared by the Przestrzenie Dziedzictwa Foundation and adapted for the Roma Culture Site by Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski.

Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.
