Rozwój portalu tradycyjnej kultury romskiej E-Drom dofinansowano ze środków Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego pochodzących z Funduszu Promocji Kultury
Autor: wojtek
Blacksmithing, making metal pots, horse trading, fortune-telling and music are the jobs most often linked with Roma people. Of course, Roma earned their living in many different ways and worked in many trades, far beyond simple stereotypes. Today in Poland, among these traditional jobs, mainly fortune-telling and music have survived. Metal trades and horse trading are disappearing.
Craft skills such as making metal pots, roofing, producing farm tools and household items from wood or reed, or making clay bricks still help Roma families earn a living in countries like Romania and Bulgaria. Even there, however, these professions are slowly fading. In many Roma groups, the old jobs live on mostly in the group names themselves, such as Nożari, Korytari, Aurari, Rudari, Sitari, Lingurari, Ursari, or the largest group, the Kelderari. Social and economic changes over the last decades have taken work away from thousands of people who once lived by making things with their own hands and selling them cheaply and directly to customers. Today, what remains are artist-craftspeople – the last of their kind – whose work is mostly seen at festivals and fairs showing rare or disappearing crafts.
The image of the “Gypsy blacksmith” is one of the strongest in non-Roma culture. The oldest European descriptions of Roma often mention blacksmithing as a common job. In the late Middle Ages and during many wars in Europe, there was strong demand for people who could make and repair weapons and metal equipment. Most soldiers could not afford expensive armourers, so they went to Roma blacksmiths. These forges were often mobile, carried on carts or even on the backs of their owners. Sources from the 16th and 17th centuries, especially from Hungary and the Ottoman Empire, say that Roma blacksmiths also made chains and shackles and used them on prisoners and slaves. Some researchers believe this may have helped create a negative image of Roma.
Farmers were the main clients of Roma blacksmiths. They made and repaired farm tools and shod horses. In mountain villages in Poland, Roma almost completely dominated this trade. “Gypsy” was often simply another word for “blacksmith.” They were respected, and their services were affordable. Industrialisation, the decline of horse use in farming, and factory-made tools destroyed the economic base of this work. Today, in regions once famous for Roma blacksmiths, there is not a single Roma forge left.
A related metal trade was practiced by Kelderari and some other Roma groups. They made and repaired copper pots and kettles, often coating them with tin. Between the two world wars, Kelderari became relatively wealthy thanks to these skills. Even after World War II, until the 1980s, there was still demand for tin-coating pots in bakeries, breweries and food factories. Many Roma worked independently or in cooperatives. Today, in many homes you can still find old copper pans made by Roma – but more as museum objects than everyday tools.
“Horses, only horses to be sorry for” – this phrase often appears in articles about Roma. For some travelling Roma groups, the horse had a deep, almost mystical meaning. It was a companion and a basic part of life on the road. Roma knew horses very well and used this knowledge in horse trading. For the Lowara group, horse trading at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was the main source of income. Other groups did it only occasionally. Profit came from buying horses cheaply in poorer regions and selling them for more elsewhere. Sometimes sick horses were treated and sold at a profit, and sometimes dishonest tricks were used. Over time, horse trading collapsed. Today only a few traders remain, mostly selling horses for slaughter. In some countries, however, the tradition survives. In Finland, Roma families have bred racing horses for generations, and in England some Roma work as breeders and jockeys.
Another profession that now belongs to history is animal training, especially bears. The image of a “Gypsy with a bear” is another strong cultural symbol. The bear leader was seen as an artist, craftsman and even a kind of magician. People believed that a bear led around a farm could chase away illness and evil spirits. This profession existed across Europe, but its centre was in the Carpathian region. In Romania, a Roma group called Ursari specialised in this work. Skills were passed from father to son, though women also took part. Bears, caught when young, became both working tools and travel companions. Shows took place at fairs, markets and weddings. Alongside bears, Roma also used monkeys, dogs, goats and birds. This way of life disappeared in the second half of the 20th century, with growing awareness of animal suffering, stricter animal protection laws, bans on travelling, and the end of Roma nomadism. For Ursari, this meant losing not only their income but also their professional identity.
Since Roma first appeared in European awareness, they have been linked with magic and telling the future. The figure of the “Gypsy fortune-teller” is still popular. It is unclear whether these practices came from India. More likely, fortune-telling developed later, influenced by local beliefs in the Byzantine and Balkan regions. There was always strong demand for such services, although fortune-tellers were often accused of working with dark forces. Fortune-telling became a female profession. In some Roma groups, it was for decades the main source of family income. The most common methods are palm reading and card reading, but there are many others. Roma generally do not tell the future for each other, believing it can be dangerous and that the future belongs to God. Fortune-telling is meant for non-Roma clients.
When people think about Roma culture, they most often think about music. Roma musicians have always played at weddings, funerals and celebrations. Their music is lively, emotional and melodic. Roma have long been musicians for hire, adapting their music to the tastes of their audience while adding their own creativity. Roma music is very diverse and often combines local styles. In Poland, Roma music was strongly influenced by Russian romance songs. Today, some Roma musicians mix traditional elements with pop or disco-style music. Others keep closer to traditional Roma roots, but they are usually heard within Roma communities rather than on big public stages.
Today, the most common job among Polish Roma is trade. Many earn money through used cars, textiles, furniture, carpets, antiques and other goods, often thanks to family links abroad. These economic activities began already during the communist period. Some Roma today run petrol stations, trade scrap metal, invest in property, or work in services such as beauty or food businesses. More and more Roma finish vocational schools and universities and work as teachers, engineers or assistants in schools.
However, this group is not the majority. Many Polish Roma do not have stable, registered jobs and rely on temporary work or social support. This especially affects Roma from the Carpathian region, whose traditional service-based jobs disappeared. With the decline of small crafts and unskilled labour, many families face economic hardship and depend on short-term work and welfare.
Andrzej Grzymała – Kazłowski
The images come from the collection of Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski, the Museum of Romani Culture in Warsaw.
The video created by Delfin Łakatosz features an interview with Wanda Rutowicz, a designer, seamstress and owner of the Romani Fashion Studio. It combines a tutorial on how to sew a traditional Romani headscarf with a captivating story about the history, everyday life and cultural meaning of women’s clothing among Polish Roma.
The recording is part of the Fashion and Clothing Gallery on the e-drom.pl portal.
Rozwój portalu tradycyjnej kultury romskiej E-Drom dofinansowano ze środków Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego pochodzących z Funduszu Promocji Kultury
Photo: Małgorzata Brus
E-drom.pl – the Roma Culture Portal will gain a new life thanks to support from the National Recovery and Resilience Plan – Recovery Plan for Culture.
In 2025, the e-drom.pl portal – the most comprehensive online source of knowledge in Poland about the history, culture, and contemporary life of Roma communities – will undergo a major reconstruction and expansion. This project is implemented with co-funding from the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP) under the Recovery Plan for Culture and aims not only at a technical upgrade of the website, but also at strengthening its content and further development as a documentation, educational and social platform.
As part of the project, we will:
- rebuild the portal’s structure to improve navigation, clarity and accessibility,
- design a new information architecture and a more user-friendly interface,
- reorganize and update the existing thematic galleries,
- launch two new digital galleries, including the “Animated Dictionary of Roma Polite Phrases” based on drawings by Roma children and a digital portrait exhibition of contemporary Roma people curated by Delfin Łakatosz.
We will also expand the “Contemporary” Gallery to include new sections on migration, current policies, Roma institutions, community leaders and activists, and international collaborations by Fundacja Dom Kultury (e.g. Roma Leadership School, Summer Workshop Camp). This expanded section will feature podcasts, essays, articles, short videos and interviews with experts. One of the new resources will be the “Living Voices Library” – a series of interviews with Roma activists, conducted by Elżbieta Mirga and Monika Szewczyk.
E-drom.pl is a tool that enables Roma individuals to speak in their own voice. The portal supports self-representation and avoids external mediation, presenting first-person narratives, perspectives, and lived experiences.
The project will also strengthen the digital competencies of the foundation’s team, enhance collaboration with Roma artists and researchers, and expand the visibility and representation of Roma culture in both public and digital space.
The project “E-Drom 2025 – Reconstruction and Expansion of the Portal” is co-financed by the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP) – Recovery Plan for Culture.
Photo: Ada Szulc
Rudolf Dzurko, Exhibition “Only with Me Can You Hear the Grass Grow” at Východoslovenská Galéria in Košice
The East Slovak Gallery – Východoslovenská galéria in Košice has organized an exhibition titled “Only with Me Can You Hear the Grass Grow,” showcasing the work of Rudolf Dzurko, a brilliant Slovak artist of Roma origin.
Rudolf Dzurko (1941–2013) was an outstanding Roma artist from eastern Slovakia who, despite lacking formal artistic education, developed a unique style by combining glass and sand in his works. His pieces, rich in symbolism and emotion, reflect Roma identity and life experiences.
Born in the village of Pavlovce, Dzurko fled with his family from German occupation to northern Bohemia at a young age. He worked as a bricklayer and stoker in a glass factory, which significantly influenced his later artistic development. He began experimenting with a technique involving crushed colored glass, creating compositions inspired by his childhood and life within the Roma community. Although he considered himself a naïve artist, his works can be compared to those of Frida Kahlo, blending surrealism with magical realism.
The Východoslovenská galéria in Košice has curated this exhibition, “Only with Me Can You Hear the Grass Grow,” featuring Dzurko’s artwork. The display includes dozens of pieces created using the crushed glass technique, as well as wooden sculptures that draw upon Roma culture and traditions. This exhibition continues the research on Central European art history, aiming to highlight lesser-known artists within the context of inclusive approaches and a revision of art historical narratives.
Rudolf Dzurko was also a talented musician and storyteller, and his accounts of Roma life were filled with humor and imagination. Although underappreciated for many years, his work represents an essential part of cultural heritage, showcasing the richness and diversity of the Roma community.
The Východoslovenská galéria in Košice is the first regional art gallery in Slovakia, founded in 1951, just two years after the opening of the Slovak National Gallery. Since its establishment, the gallery has continually expanded its collection, acquiring valuable Slovak and international artworks while ensuring their documentation and popularization. Housed in a historic former county hall, the gallery not only presents art but also addresses significant social issues such as climate change, inequality, and segregation. It also operates a specialized library and a space dedicated to contemporary urban and ecological challenges. Through innovative projects and collaborations with experts from various fields, the gallery serves as a hub for dialogue, inspiration, and reflection on art and the modern world.
We sincerely thank ETP Slovensko for organizing the guided tour of Rudolf Dzurko’s exhibition at Východoslovenská galéria.
Fot. Fundacja Dom Kultury
“I feel strong that through my creations I celebrate the culture and history of the Roma”
Zita Moldovan is one of the most known Roma actresses in Romania, journalist and host for more than 15 years of the Roma TV show – ”Roma for Romania” and fashion designer.
In 2020, Zita launched the Loly (red in Romani) clothes collection inspired by the culture and tradition of the Roma. It is the winner of the TAJSA Roma Cultural Heritage 2021 award – offered by the ERIAC (European Roma Institute for Arts and Culture) – the art of the highest quality of the standard winner and shows a commitment to the Roma cause, to the defense of human rights and to the fight against anti-Roma racism.
Loly by Zita Moldovan is a manifesto for the freedom to be a woman in a society that tells us how not to dress and what social role the clothes we wear have.
It is a collection created not only for women but for all people who find themselves in the female spectrum or explore femininity. Being a woman is a broad and complex notion under whose umbrella there is room for all the beauty of gender diversity.
Loly (red) in Romani.
The red color symbolizes the strength, life and resilience of the Roma.
Loly Haute Couture collection, which includes a double eulogy: both a vibrant and solidary immersion in Roma culture, as well as an expression of the feminine solidarity and sisterhood so necessary in art and not exclusively. Really spectacular that Zita designed and printed a new material, which contains traditional motifs and symbols from Roma culture.
Text: Zita Moldovan
Photos credit: Dragos Burcea
Teresa Mirga, artist’s private archive
Interviewed by Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski
When you search for your earliest memories, landscapes, sounds, faces of people, who and what do you see?
It’s Czarna Góra, my river – the wild Białka, my family, the Roma, Górale (highlanders) around, and all that music that surrounded and accompanied me since childhood. I wasn’t an exception. It was the same for all of us, the mountain Roma, for whom song is like water – you can’t live without it. I was lucky to have everyone around me singing – my mother’s and father’s sisters, the whole family was full of singing.
This “home” singing, daily singing – what was it like?
The women sang. While cooking, cleaning, playing with the children. Someone was always humming something. My aunt would peel potatoes and sing. I didn’t just grow up in this, I sought out this music since I can remember. It called to me. In those days, speakers, megaphones, and radios played continuously in homes, mostly music. I was three or four years old and always heard something intriguing around me: wonderful performers, fantastic Polish, French, Italian songs, Skaldowie, Maryla Rodowicz, Czerwone Gitary, Marek Grechuta.
Roma songs – were they old songs, or were they improvised, created on the spot?
Both. On the base of the archaic songs, new ideas appeared in the lyrics and music. The aunties would tell old stories but add their own – here and now, what troubled or delighted them – they’d sing about it. The song constantly changed. After a sorrowful, tearful part, something different, consoling, would suddenly emerge, and the verse would gain more sunshine and joy.
Though still on the same tune, the same melody?
Yes, although the melody could also be deceiving. It might seem that we’re singing to a cheerful tune, but the lyrics are dramatic, about poverty, loss, misfortune. I sometimes have trouble with this in workshops. Teaching non-Roma Roma songs, I also translate the lyrics, and this surprises them, makes it difficult. It’s not easy for them to get into the mood of a seemingly cheerful song when the lyrics are tear-inducing.
Czarna Góra, neighbouring Bukowina Tatrzańska, is influenced by the Polish Podhale region, but it’s also Spisz with a slightly different culture and Slovak influences.
Yes, of course, in both music and language. The older generation still spoke Slovak – my parents remembered Slovakia here and their first contact with school, which was in Slovak. Later, my mother taught herself to write in Polish. The Spisz highlanders’ dialect was commonly used daily. In music, there’s also more Czardas heard than in Podhale. A walking Czardas, in two parts – a march (walking part) and a faster, livelier section. Oh yes, that came from Slovakia and Hungary. Among the Roma, we also have these variations. I sing these songs at concerts. The songs of the Spisz Roma consist of three parts. First: halgato, slow-paced, free, without a clear rhythm; second: medium tempo, rhythmic – that’s the walking Czardas; and third: fast, the so-called polka. In Slovakia and Hungary, Roma also sing this way.
What about what they call “szájbőgő” in Hungary, where Roma singers are masters of that distinctive improvisation, imitating percussion instruments, drums, metal cans, spoons – was that known in Czarna Góra?
No. But when I heard this type of singing, I realised that I also sing a bit like that, vocalising the melody in a language invented at the moment. And I really don’t know where it came from, it came naturally. At the same time, so much can be expressed through these sounds. I’ve noticed that it really opens listeners, who follow the melody and can let their imagination freely interpret what it suggests at that moment. But ultimately, it either didn’t make it over the mountains, or it was forgotten, lost. Unfortunately, much of our shared culture with those Roma has also disappeared – clothing, instruments, even that remarkable singing. The culture of the Polish Mountain Roma is also vanishing at an increasing rate. By the time I started performing on stage, there were already stage groups in southern Poland that, instead of drawing from our local culture, showcased the folklore of Roma with wagon traditions, Russian influences – in dress, dance, music, and dialect. That wasn’t ours!
In commercial terms, perhaps this is understandable. Audiences want spectacular shows. Many still remember the “Roma” group or know the hits from the film “Gypsies Are Found Near Heaven” – those groups catered to such expectations. But were there any artists or groups before you who offered audiences the authentic, original culture of the Mountain Roma?
No, I don’t think so. Only individual musicians, violinists, brought virtuoso Czardas to stage groups. For example, Miklosz Deki Czureja and his son in “Roma”. But the songs and dances of our Roma, I don’t think you could find them anywhere. Recently, Monika Janowiak, Head of the Department of Cultural Studies and Musicology at the University of Wrocław, found an a capella recording of old songs sung by a woman from Czarna Góra. I was completely moved and delighted – it’s probably the only such recording.
Against the backdrop of other Roma settlements, was Czarna Góra an exception, unique in some way? Were there sympathies or antipathies with Roma from other settlements?
No, relations were good, normal. We met at religious fairs or celebrations. People are people – some didn’t get along, while others married. But musically, Czarna Góra probably stood out a bit. There were many musicians in the settlement. Two bands would gather for weddings and parties – they played in restaurants and inns. My mother’s brother, Józef Mirga, was a very good and well-known violinist. He played not only in Roma bands but also in top highlander ensembles at the biggest weddings, where he was invited as the lead violinist. Highland youth also came to him to learn violin. He was a musician!
Perhaps a bit stereotypically, highlanders are often seen as not being very tolerant of “others”.
Well, they can be stubborn. But we had good neighbourly relations. I think music played a role in this. These two cultures were always close. And since highlander culture is also strongly rooted in music, there was more understanding and opportunities to meet, play together, and get to know each other. It was easier for us to understand and respect each other. And blacksmithing certainly played a role too. There were three forges in Czarna Góra, and while working, people would talk a lot. Then came the shared school, friendships, and acquaintanceships. My parents’ generation already understood that we needed education. That it would provide work – so they really pushed us to study. But school was varied. Some teachers forbade us from speaking Roma among ourselves, or singing our songs.
From the catalogue of school subjects and obligations, which did you like the most?
Polish, of course. I devoured books and poetry. I had a good teacher – she suggested readings, and knew what might interest me. I loved Jan Kochanowski. His “Laments” moved me deeply. I lost a sick little brother very early, and this drew me closer to Kochanowski and probably to poetry in general. I read Mickiewicz, Słowacki, and didn’t even mind that they were compulsory readings. I always had a book under my pillow at home. I read whenever I could. And the house was tiny but beautiful – with siblings, a whole crowd, always someone at home, it wasn’t easy to find some peace.
Did music appear as a choice then too?
Yes, I was about 10 or 11 years old, and it was already very deliberate, almost a necessity. The boys in the settlement had guitars, I listened, watched, and dreamed about a guitar! My mother saw what was happening with me, so we went to Zakopane, and she bought me the dream guitar.
I learned by ear. I watched the boys for chords, but mostly, I used trial and error, arranging it my way by ear. For a year in primary school, I also attended music school for singing. But I went there without basic theoretical knowledge. I sang in the choir but didn’t know or want to learn sheet music or follow those rules and conventions. My teacher said, “It can’t be like this, Teresa, you must sing the first or second voice, but you wander as you please”. So, we had to part ways. But over the years, I often recall or discover something from that time. I also love all those songs I was taught – Schubert, Moniuszko, others. It certainly wasn’t a wasted time.
As you entered adulthood, more aware of your musical abilities, weren’t you drawn to bands, popular music, or even earning money through it?
Not at all. I sang to myself and the river. I developed on my own, sang, and played the guitar. There were also friends with me – Roma children are very open musically, curious about music. I’d take my guitar, and we’d sing together by the river for hours.
But there usually comes a difficult moment when talented children or teenagers disappear – due to responsibilities, starting families, or daily hardships that stifle natural talents. But that didn’t happen to you.
Yes, what happened here? There was a moment when I became a bit known. Earlier, I had become the mother of my late sister’s children and wanted to give them more, fill their time. I read books to them, we went to the forest for berries and mushrooms, we stayed close to nature, and I always served them music. The oldest, Natalia, had friends – twins – who were also with us and sang beautifully. Their father, Jan Kacica – blind, an outstanding singer – heard us. He sang and played percussion in many bands. He joined us, and accidentally, we formed a pretty good little group. When Father Stanisław Opocki began organising a Roma pilgrimage to Limanowa in the early ’90s, he invited us to sing in the church. Invitations to churches increased, and we also started performing regularly in a cafe in Czarna Góra. Singing in harmony with tambourine, spoons, and guitar – these were essentially concerts. Artists from Poland also began visiting Czarna Góra. With the Pogranicze Foundation, we travelled to other Roma settlements, where I held singing workshops. The Węgajty theatre from near Olsztyn also came. They gave a performance and invited us to a campfire for joint music-making in the evening. My uncle almost forced me to attend. I was hesitant, questioning whether I needed all this fuss. I was going through a tough time, avoiding people. But when my uncle asked, I had to go. They later invited us to their place in Węgajty, where we did workshops and evening concerts. People from the world of culture and theatre saw us there and invited us to Warsaw. In Warsaw, as the “Kałe Bała” band, we performed with musicians from Nowy Targ – violin and accordion, a twin with a mandolin, me with a guitar, and four voices. It was powerful. Next was Gorzów Wielkopolski, the Romane Dyvesa festival, and more invitations, concerts, festivals. We played quite a lot.
And “Kałe Bała” is still playing.
Yes, but there were difficult times. The girls got married, there was a wave of emigration abroad. Many musicians left as well. At one point, the band practically ceased to exist, it was just me and my brother, Jacek Kacica. I asked highlander musicians to join, and for a while, we played in a mixed lineup. The band changed, but we kept playing. For several years, Piotr Ondycz (now with Viki Gabor’s band) played mandocello with us. Later, and still today, Piotr Hortmanowicz plays guitar with us. Recently, I recorded music for a film with a Roma pan flute player from Romania, who will probably start touring with us. The band is established but open to changes.
Photo: Archive from the Roma Advice and Information Centre; “Kałe Bała” band founded by Teresa Mirga in 1992.
Most of “Kałe Bała’s” repertoire consists of traditional pieces. To what extent do you transform and develop them, and how much is played in its raw form?
Of course, we try to stay close to the original versions, but our arrangements and thoughts about the pieces are ours and contemporary. So naturally, our influence on the final shape is significant.
But your work also makes up a significant part of “Kałe Bała’s” repertoire.
Yes, from the beginning, even in my youth, I wrote both music and lyrics. I always wrote, everywhere and always. I had a notebook, and during lessons, instead of paying attention and taking notes, I’d write thoughts, fragments of poems, song lyrics that came to mind. Jan Mirga – a Roma from Czarna Góra (author of Roma fairy tales) – was our history teacher and would take my notebook, returning it after class with words encouraging me to write but asking me not to do it during history, leaving the next teacher to deal with it. I never imagined that one day someone would want to publish my writing and music in a poetry collection or albums.
The first recording of “Kałe Bała” was a cassette, “Rupuni gili” (Silver Song).
Yes, in 1994. It was quite a sensation, a revelation for many, showing that Roma music could be so different from what most thought of as Gypsy music – those stage hits. The cassette also included my compositions. In the same year, the “Spółka Poetów” in Podkowa Leśna, thanks to Piotr Mitzner, published my first poetry collection, “Czemu tak?” in Polish and Roma versions. Fortunately, this creativity grew, leading to more poetry publications and several albums.
There’s no shortage of talented young people. Where are the students?
Yes, indeed, the workshops attract many people, often very talented and promising. It must be said that they are almost exclusively non-Roma, interested in our culture, wanting to learn and sing. There are also consultations for theatre productions and films. I want this music to be understood. If someone has the ambition and desire to engage with it, let them do it well. Agata Siemaszko and Marysia Natanson are excellent examples of artists who didn’t need to be taught singing because they were already great singers. They just needed to taste the song, feel its rhythm.
And the Roma, where are your successors?
There aren’t any, not visibly. Czarna Góra is slowly disappearing, and it’s similar in other settlements. Many people have emigrated abroad – perhaps our talents will emerge there. Of course, there are talented young people who occasionally appear, even nationally, in some talent shows, bringing us joy with their success. But I’d also like to hear those wonderful old songs from them, maybe not as popular and shiny. Perhaps something similar will happen as with Polish traditional and folk music, where it almost disappeared before being rediscovered by youth who sought out old musicians and revived their music. I hope to live to see such a revival.
Garwolin, 20 November 2024
Interview by Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski
kalebala@wp.pl
Co-financed by the KPO. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme to support the activities of cultural and creative industries operators to stimulate their development.
Dr. Joanna Talewicz
In recent years, significant changes have been occurring within the Romani community, largely stemming from the growing involvement of Romani women in activist and feminist movements. Traditionally, Romani women have been perceived as marginalised figures within society, confined to roles defined by patriarchal norms that have prevailed in many Romani communities. These changes are not only influenced by global feminist movements but also by an internal need to fight for women’s rights and a more equal Roma society. In this context, Romani women are increasingly shaping their own lives and the future of their communities.
Simone de Beauvoir, in The Second Sex, described women as the “Other”, socially subordinated to men – those “first ones” who constitute order and establish cultural norms. These words still resonate within the Roma community, where women are often constrained by rigid cultural expectations. However, over time, Romani women are increasingly reclaiming control over their image, fighting for autonomy and equality. As Karolina Sulej observes, the patriarchal framework remains firmly entrenched, yet many Romani women are rebelling against it, choosing modern lifestyles, education, and independence, although this does not always mean completely rejecting tradition.1
The Roma community, like other ethnic groups, is highly diverse in terms of values and lifestyles, including approaches to gender roles and attire. Among Romani people, as in Polish society, one can find both conservative and more liberal environments. In conservative Romani groups, the traditional patriarchal order, in which the woman is the caregiver and homemaker, still dominates. However, even within these communities, there are growing numbers of women who defy restrictions, prioritising education, professional development, and independence.
One of the most visible symbols of changing attitudes towards femininity is clothing. The long skirt, often associated with Roma tradition, remains an important element of dress in conservative settings, symbolising modesty, respect for tradition, and community belonging. Romani women are expected to maintain modesty – skirts should be long, often reaching the ankles, and blouses should not be overly revealing. In many communities, wearing trousers is also prohibited, highlighting gender hierarchies and control over women’s bodies.
However, in more liberal settings and among younger generations, women increasingly choose modern attire, abandoning traditional skirts in favour of trousers or other garments aligned with fashion trends. This choice does not signify a rejection of tradition but rather an attempt to balance cultural identity with a modern lifestyle. In larger cities, where young Roma women have better access to education and employment, their clothing becomes a means of self-expression and aspiration, as well as an effort to redefine femininity within the Romani community.
At the same time, as Gayatri Spivak notes, Roma women are often subject to exotic fantasies. Like other women from ethnic minorities, Romani women are frequently fetishised and depicted as wild, untamed, and erotically liberated. Spivak writes that white men attempt to “save brown women from brown men”, a phenomenon evident in popular culture, such as the portrayal of Esmeralda in The Hunchback of Notre Dame. The Romani woman, like the Jewish woman, embodies exoticism and mystery for others, but she is often portrayed as “wild” and “animalistic”, in contrast to the more “refined” depiction of the Jewish woman, who symbolises urban civilisation. The fetishisation of Roma women in non-Romani culture simplifies their image, turning them into a costume rather than a real person. The “Gypsy” costume has become a popular element of mass culture – frilly skirts, large earrings, and scarves worn by women are often adopted as part of boho fashion, with little understanding of their deeper cultural significance. Sulej highlights that even young girls can purchase “Gypsy costumes”, making this stereotypical image of femininity part of their early gender identity experiences.2
Romani women’s activism, however, extends beyond clothing. Increasingly, they engage in initiatives to improve the situation of women both within and outside the Romani community. They organise campaigns against domestic violence, promote education among young Romani girls, and advocate for better working conditions and healthcare access. Their work is not only a fight for gender equality but also an effort to break down stereotypes faced by the Roma community as a whole. It is important to note that patriarchal norms are deeply rooted among Roma people, as in many other societies, making the fight for women’s rights a challenge against both external prejudices and internal limitations.
Feminism among Romani women is gaining strength, though it often takes a different form compared to feminist movements in non-Roma communities. Romani feminism combines the struggle for gender equality with the aim of preserving cultural identity and countering systemic discrimination. For many Roma women, activism does not mean rejecting their culture but finding a way to reconcile tradition with modern values. This complex challenge, encompassing resistance to patriarchy and external marginalisation, is key to contemporary changes within the Romani community.
This transformation is also visible in the development of educational initiatives aimed at Romani women, who often have limited access to formal education. Education becomes a tool for building independence, influencing the future of their children and communities. It also challenges the stereotypical image of Roma women as subservient to men and traditional family roles. Today, these women are increasingly taking initiatives that allow them to speak out on important issues and fight for their futures.
These changes are neither uniform nor universal. In more conservative Roma groups, women’s roles remain strongly tied to tradition and family values, with attire such as the long skirt playing a key role in expressing this identity. Conversely, in more liberal communities, especially in large cities, young Romani women are exploring diverse forms of expression, both in clothing and lifestyle, reflecting their aspirations for greater freedom and equality.
The evolving role of Romani women is a testament to the dynamic transformation taking place within this community. Whether embracing traditional dress or modern attire, Roma women symbolise strength and determination. In their diversity, they demonstrate that Romani femininity is neither monolithic nor confined by rigid boundaries. It is an identity that continually evolves, adapting to contemporary challenges while striving to preserve the most valuable aspects of tradition.
In this way, Romani women become not only guardians of culture but also its new creators, shaping the future of their communities on their own terms. Through educational and social initiatives, they fight for women’s rights, better healthcare, and dignified living conditions for the entire community. Their activism is not merely a fight for equality within the Romani community but also a response to broader discrimination faced by Roma people daily, both in Poland and across Europe.
An important aspect of this struggle is the effort to overcome the stereotypical image of Romani women as exotic, wild, and untamed figures. As Karolina Sulej noted, this image is fetishised in mass culture – Romani women are portrayed as mysterious figures embodying sexual freedom and independence. However, in reality, Roma women are striving to regain control over their image, rejecting these prejudices and building a modern identity that combines respect for culture with a need for autonomy.
Through these processes, Roma women are becoming increasingly aware of their rights and opportunities while remaining connected to their roots. Their path to equality is not easy, but through growing involvement in feminist and socio-political movements, they are reshaping the face of their community. They are a model of strength and determination, open to change that helps them better navigate an increasingly globalised and diverse world.
Despite the numerous challenges faced by Roma women – both internal limitations stemming from tradition and external discrimination – their fight for rights and independence is yielding tangible results. They are changing not only their own lives but also influencing future generations, showing young Romani girls that it is possible to live in alignment with their values while embracing independence and freedom of choice.
This complex blend of tradition and modernity is a key aspect of the contemporary feminist movement within the Roma community. Romani women demonstrate that it is possible to maintain cultural identity while fighting for equality, freedom, and dignity – for themselves and their entire community.
1 K.Sulej, Odebrać władzę nad swoim wizerunkiem, „Dialog-Pheniben”, 7/2012
2 As above
Dr. Joanna Talewicz
Towards Dialogue Foundation
Dr. Joanna Talewicz is an anthropologist, social activist, and expert on issues related to the Roma minority, diversity, and human rights. She actively engages in both research and practical efforts to promote equality and combat discrimination, both in Poland and internationally. She is the founder and president of the Towards Dialogue Foundation and a co-founder of the Roma Community Centre in Warsaw. Dr. Talewicz is a recipient of the Batory Foundation’s Olga Kersten-Matwin Award for her ongoing integrative, educational, psychological, legal, and activist support for Romani refugees, as well as the Award for Empathy granted by the Auschwitz Human Rights Institute. She was nominated by the US Embassy in Poland for the inaugural US Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s “Award for Global Anti-Racism Champions” and recognised by the US Department of State for her work on behalf of the Roma community. She has been a scholar at Columbia University and a participant in the Leadership Academy for Poland. Dr. Talewicz has also received scholarships from the Fulbright Program, the Tom Lantos Institute, the European Commission, and the US Department of State. In 2024, she was selected for the prestigious Obama Foundation Leaders Europe programme. She is the author and editor of books and academic articles and has published in Gazeta Wyborcza, Vogue, and Newsweek.
Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.
Representations of Romani clothing in a historical context, with documentary materials sourced from the collection of the Museum of Roma Culture in Warsaw.
The following collection of original single photographic prints, widely published photographs featured on postcards and in the press, graphic works (including early woodcut prints), drawings, and paintings showcases the attire of Roma women across a wide chronological range (from the mid-16th century to the early 20th century), geographical scope (from Russia and the southern Balkans to Spanish Andalusia), and cultural diversity (settled Roma, nomadic groups, Lowara, Kalderash, Cale, Ruska Roma, and other groups). It primarily features domestic, everyday clothing, and where festive or performance attire is included, it is closely tied to the canon and customs prevailing in the respective group. Even when, as in the case of settled Roma, their clothing resembled the styles of their non-Romani neighbours, it always remained somewhat distinct, characterized by unique cuts, details, or decorations. In some cases, particularly among nomadic groups, the details of the attire could unmistakably indicate group affiliation, thereby eliminating the need for Roma to verbally express their identity. These details enabled other Roma to immediately recognise the group to which someone belonged.
Everyday Romani clothing, particularly for women, was naturally subject to customary rules and, in the case of groups with nomadic traditions, also to customary law. Custom and law mandated modest attire, covering the lower body with a long, wide skirt, often supplemented with an over-apron, tying the hair, and often covering it with a scarf.
Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski
Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.
Depictions of stylised Roma attire, documentary materials sourced from the collection of the Museum of Roma Culture in Warsaw.
Until almost contemporary times, the iconography dedicated to the Roma, including artistic representations, was created exclusively by non-Romani artists. Thus, even when the images, portraits, or scenes depicting the Roma were captured “from life”, their creators often succumbed to alluring stereotypes of exotically dressed dancers, fortune-tellers, or women perceived as free in custom and attire. It is therefore unsurprising to see an abundance of images inspired by and stylised after the operatic Carmen.
This collection includes paintings on canvas and silk, graphics and artwork reproduced in the press and on postcards, book illustrations, theatrical costume designs, as well as porcelain figurines from Romania, Austro-Hungarian Czechia, Soviet Ukraine, textile dolls from Spain, and even a decal on a glass cake stand. The latter, produced by a Polish manufacturer during the People’s Republic of Poland era, features a pair of Romani flamenco dancers. These works range from almost realistic depictions faithfully recreating the attire of the portrayed women to imagined, often kitsch, fantasies of the fiery Roma woman.
Some of these images, reproduced and distributed in millions, like the famous Gitana dancer advertising French (but globally recognisable) Gitanes cigarettes, continue to significantly influence perceptions of the Roma and their stereotyping, even if (fortunately) not always negatively.
Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski
Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.
