Interview with Teresa Mirga

Teresa Mirga, artist’s private archive

Interviewed by Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski


When you search for your earliest memories, landscapes, sounds, faces of people, who and what do you see?

It’s Czarna Góra, my river – the wild Białka, my family, the Roma, Górale (highlanders) around, and all that music that surrounded and accompanied me since childhood. I wasn’t an exception. It was the same for all of us, the mountain Roma, for whom song is like water – you can’t live without it. I was lucky to have everyone around me singing – my mother’s and father’s sisters, the whole family was full of singing.

This “home” singing, daily singing – what was it like?

 The women sang. While cooking, cleaning, playing with the children. Someone was always humming something. My aunt would peel potatoes and sing. I didn’t just grow up in this, I sought out this music since I can remember. It called to me. In those days, speakers, megaphones, and radios played continuously in homes, mostly music. I was three or four years old and always heard something intriguing around me: wonderful performers, fantastic Polish, French, Italian songs, Skaldowie, Maryla Rodowicz, Czerwone Gitary, Marek Grechuta.

Roma songs – were they old songs, or were they improvised, created on the spot?

Both. On the base of the archaic songs, new ideas appeared in the lyrics and music. The aunties would tell old stories but add their own – here and now, what troubled or delighted them – they’d sing about it. The song constantly changed. After a sorrowful, tearful part, something different, consoling, would suddenly emerge, and the verse would gain more sunshine and joy.

Though still on the same tune, the same melody?

Yes, although the melody could also be deceiving. It might seem that we’re singing to a cheerful tune, but the lyrics are dramatic, about poverty, loss, misfortune. I sometimes have trouble with this in workshops. Teaching non-Roma Roma songs, I also translate the lyrics, and this surprises them, makes it difficult. It’s not easy for them to get into the mood of a seemingly cheerful song when the lyrics are tear-inducing.

Czarna Góra, neighbouring Bukowina Tatrzańska, is influenced by the Polish Podhale region, but it’s also Spisz with a slightly different culture and Slovak influences.

Yes, of course, in both music and language. The older generation still spoke Slovak – my parents remembered Slovakia here and their first contact with school, which was in Slovak. Later, my mother taught herself to write in Polish. The Spisz highlanders’ dialect was commonly used daily. In music, there’s also more Czardas heard than in Podhale. A walking Czardas, in two parts – a march (walking part) and a faster, livelier section. Oh yes, that came from Slovakia and Hungary. Among the Roma, we also have these variations. I sing these songs at concerts. The songs of the Spisz Roma consist of three parts. First: halgato, slow-paced, free, without a clear rhythm; second: medium tempo, rhythmic – that’s the walking Czardas; and third: fast, the so-called polka. In Slovakia and Hungary, Roma also sing this way.

What about what they call “szájbőgő” in Hungary, where Roma singers are masters of that distinctive improvisation, imitating percussion instruments, drums, metal cans, spoons – was that known in Czarna Góra?

No. But when I heard this type of singing, I realised that I also sing a bit like that, vocalising the melody in a language invented at the moment. And I really don’t know where it came from, it came naturally. At the same time, so much can be expressed through these sounds. I’ve noticed that it really opens listeners, who follow the melody and can let their imagination freely interpret what it suggests at that moment. But ultimately, it either didn’t make it over the mountains, or it was forgotten, lost. Unfortunately, much of our shared culture with those Roma has also disappeared – clothing, instruments, even that remarkable singing. The culture of the Polish Mountain Roma is also vanishing at an increasing rate. By the time I started performing on stage, there were already stage groups in southern Poland that, instead of drawing from our local culture, showcased the folklore of Roma with wagon traditions, Russian influences – in dress, dance, music, and dialect. That wasn’t ours!

In commercial terms, perhaps this is understandable. Audiences want spectacular shows. Many still remember the “Roma” group or know the hits from the film “Gypsies Are Found Near Heaven” – those groups catered to such expectations. But were there any artists or groups before you who offered audiences the authentic, original culture of the Mountain Roma?

No, I don’t think so. Only individual musicians, violinists, brought virtuoso Czardas to stage groups. For example, Miklosz Deki Czureja and his son in “Roma”. But the songs and dances of our Roma, I don’t think you could find them anywhere. Recently, Monika Janowiak, Head of the Department of Cultural Studies and Musicology at the University of Wrocław, found an a capella recording of old songs sung by a woman from Czarna Góra. I was completely moved and delighted – it’s probably the only such recording.

Against the backdrop of other Roma settlements, was Czarna Góra an exception, unique in some way? Were there sympathies or antipathies with Roma from other settlements?

No, relations were good, normal. We met at religious fairs or celebrations. People are people – some didn’t get along, while others married. But musically, Czarna Góra probably stood out a bit. There were many musicians in the settlement. Two bands would gather for weddings and parties – they played in restaurants and inns. My mother’s brother, Józef Mirga, was a very good and well-known violinist. He played not only in Roma bands but also in top highlander ensembles at the biggest weddings, where he was invited as the lead violinist. Highland youth also came to him to learn violin. He was a musician!

Perhaps a bit stereotypically, highlanders are often seen as not being very tolerant of “others”.

Well, they can be stubborn. But we had good neighbourly relations. I think music played a role in this. These two cultures were always close. And since highlander culture is also strongly rooted in music, there was more understanding and opportunities to meet, play together, and get to know each other. It was easier for us to understand and respect each other. And blacksmithing certainly played a role too. There were three forges in Czarna Góra, and while working, people would talk a lot. Then came the shared school, friendships, and acquaintanceships. My parents’ generation already understood that we needed education. That it would provide work – so they really pushed us to study. But school was varied. Some teachers forbade us from speaking Roma among ourselves, or singing our songs.

From the catalogue of school subjects and obligations, which did you like the most?

Polish, of course. I devoured books and poetry. I had a good teacher – she suggested readings, and knew what might interest me. I loved Jan Kochanowski. His “Laments” moved me deeply. I lost a sick little brother very early, and this drew me closer to Kochanowski and probably to poetry in general. I read Mickiewicz, Słowacki, and didn’t even mind that they were compulsory readings. I always had a book under my pillow at home. I read whenever I could. And the house was tiny but beautiful – with siblings, a whole crowd, always someone at home, it wasn’t easy to find some peace.

Did music appear as a choice then too?

Yes, I was about 10 or 11 years old, and it was already very deliberate, almost a necessity. The boys in the settlement had guitars, I listened, watched, and dreamed about a guitar! My mother saw what was happening with me, so we went to Zakopane, and she bought me the dream guitar.

I learned by ear. I watched the boys for chords, but mostly, I used trial and error, arranging it my way by ear. For a year in primary school, I also attended music school for singing. But I went there without basic theoretical knowledge. I sang in the choir but didn’t know or want to learn sheet music or follow those rules and conventions. My teacher said, “It can’t be like this, Teresa, you must sing the first or second voice, but you wander as you please”. So, we had to part ways. But over the years, I often recall or discover something from that time. I also love all those songs I was taught – Schubert, Moniuszko, others. It certainly wasn’t a wasted time.

As you entered adulthood, more aware of your musical abilities, weren’t you drawn to bands, popular music, or even earning money through it?

Not at all. I sang to myself and the river. I developed on my own, sang, and played the guitar. There were also friends with me – Roma children are very open musically, curious about music. I’d take my guitar, and we’d sing together by the river for hours.

But there usually comes a difficult moment when talented children or teenagers disappear – due to responsibilities, starting families, or daily hardships that stifle natural talents. But that didn’t happen to you.

Yes, what happened here? There was a moment when I became a bit known. Earlier, I had become the mother of my late sister’s children and wanted to give them more, fill their time. I read books to them, we went to the forest for berries and mushrooms, we stayed close to nature, and I always served them music. The oldest, Natalia, had friends – twins – who were also with us and sang beautifully. Their father, Jan Kacica – blind, an outstanding singer – heard us. He sang and played percussion in many bands. He joined us, and accidentally, we formed a pretty good little group. When Father Stanisław Opocki began organising a Roma pilgrimage to Limanowa in the early ’90s, he invited us to sing in the church. Invitations to churches increased, and we also started performing regularly in a cafe in Czarna Góra. Singing in harmony with tambourine, spoons, and guitar – these were essentially concerts. Artists from Poland also began visiting Czarna Góra. With the Pogranicze Foundation, we travelled to other Roma settlements, where I held singing workshops. The Węgajty theatre from near Olsztyn also came. They gave a performance and invited us to a campfire for joint music-making in the evening. My uncle almost forced me to attend. I was hesitant, questioning whether I needed all this fuss. I was going through a tough time, avoiding people. But when my uncle asked, I had to go. They later invited us to their place in Węgajty, where we did workshops and evening concerts. People from the world of culture and theatre saw us there and invited us to Warsaw. In Warsaw, as the “Kałe Bała” band, we performed with musicians from Nowy Targ – violin and accordion, a twin with a mandolin, me with a guitar, and four voices. It was powerful. Next was Gorzów Wielkopolski, the Romane Dyvesa festival, and more invitations, concerts, festivals. We played quite a lot.

And “Kałe Bała” is still playing.

Yes, but there were difficult times. The girls got married, there was a wave of emigration abroad. Many musicians left as well. At one point, the band practically ceased to exist, it was just me and my brother, Jacek Kacica. I asked highlander musicians to join, and for a while, we played in a mixed lineup. The band changed, but we kept playing. For several years, Piotr Ondycz (now with Viki Gabor’s band) played mandocello with us. Later, and still today, Piotr Hortmanowicz plays guitar with us. Recently, I recorded music for a film with a Roma pan flute player from Romania, who will probably start touring with us. The band is established but open to changes.

Photo: Archive from the Roma Advice and Information Centre; “Kałe Bała” band founded by Teresa Mirga in 1992.

Most of “Kałe Bała’s” repertoire consists of traditional pieces. To what extent do you transform and develop them, and how much is played in its raw form?

Of course, we try to stay close to the original versions, but our arrangements and thoughts about the pieces are ours and contemporary. So naturally, our influence on the final shape is significant.

But your work also makes up a significant part of “Kałe Bała’s” repertoire.

Yes, from the beginning, even in my youth, I wrote both music and lyrics. I always wrote, everywhere and always. I had a notebook, and during lessons, instead of paying attention and taking notes, I’d write thoughts, fragments of poems, song lyrics that came to mind. Jan Mirga – a Roma from Czarna Góra (author of Roma fairy tales) – was our history teacher and would take my notebook, returning it after class with words encouraging me to write but asking me not to do it during history, leaving the next teacher to deal with it. I never imagined that one day someone would want to publish my writing and music in a poetry collection or albums.

The first recording of “Kałe Bała” was a cassette, “Rupuni gili” (Silver Song).

Yes, in 1994. It was quite a sensation, a revelation for many, showing that Roma music could be so different from what most thought of as Gypsy music – those stage hits. The cassette also included my compositions. In the same year, the “Spółka Poetów” in Podkowa Leśna, thanks to Piotr Mitzner, published my first poetry collection, “Czemu tak?” in Polish and Roma versions. Fortunately, this creativity grew, leading to more poetry publications and several albums.

There’s no shortage of talented young people. Where are the students?

Yes, indeed, the workshops attract many people, often very talented and promising. It must be said that they are almost exclusively non-Roma, interested in our culture, wanting to learn and sing. There are also consultations for theatre productions and films. I want this music to be understood. If someone has the ambition and desire to engage with it, let them do it well. Agata Siemaszko and Marysia Natanson are excellent examples of artists who didn’t need to be taught singing because they were already great singers. They just needed to taste the song, feel its rhythm.

And the Roma, where are your successors?

There aren’t any, not visibly. Czarna Góra is slowly disappearing, and it’s similar in other settlements. Many people have emigrated abroad – perhaps our talents will emerge there. Of course, there are talented young people who occasionally appear, even nationally, in some talent shows, bringing us joy with their success. But I’d also like to hear those wonderful old songs from them, maybe not as popular and shiny. Perhaps something similar will happen as with Polish traditional and folk music, where it almost disappeared before being rediscovered by youth who sought out old musicians and revived their music. I hope to live to see such a revival.

Garwolin, 20 November 2024

Interview by Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski


kalebala@wp.pl


Co-financed by the KPO. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme to support the activities of cultural and creative industries operators to stimulate their development.


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The Strength of Romani Women: Autonomy and Image

 

In recent years, significant changes have been occurring within the Romani community, largely stemming from the growing involvement of Romani women in activist and feminist movements. Traditionally, Romani women have been perceived as marginalised figures within society, confined to roles defined by patriarchal norms that have prevailed in many Romani communities. These changes are not only influenced by global feminist movements but also by an internal need to fight for women’s rights and a more equal Roma society. In this context, Romani women are increasingly shaping their own lives and the future of their communities.

Simone de Beauvoir, in The Second Sex, described women as the “Other”, socially subordinated to men – those “first ones” who constitute order and establish cultural norms. These words still resonate within the Roma community, where women are often constrained by rigid cultural expectations. However, over time, Romani women are increasingly reclaiming control over their image, fighting for autonomy and equality. As Karolina Sulej observes, the patriarchal framework remains firmly entrenched, yet many Romani women are rebelling against it, choosing modern lifestyles, education, and independence, although this does not always mean completely rejecting tradition.1

The Roma community, like other ethnic groups, is highly diverse in terms of values and lifestyles, including approaches to gender roles and attire. Among Romani people, as in Polish society, one can find both conservative and more liberal environments. In conservative Romani groups, the traditional patriarchal order, in which the woman is the caregiver and homemaker, still dominates. However, even within these communities, there are growing numbers of women who defy restrictions, prioritising education, professional development, and independence.

One of the most visible symbols of changing attitudes towards femininity is clothing. The long skirt, often associated with Roma tradition, remains an important element of dress in conservative settings, symbolising modesty, respect for tradition, and community belonging. Romani women are expected to maintain modesty – skirts should be long, often reaching the ankles, and blouses should not be overly revealing. In many communities, wearing trousers is also prohibited, highlighting gender hierarchies and control over women’s bodies.

However, in more liberal settings and among younger generations, women increasingly choose modern attire, abandoning traditional skirts in favour of trousers or other garments aligned with fashion trends. This choice does not signify a rejection of tradition but rather an attempt to balance cultural identity with a modern lifestyle. In larger cities, where young Roma women have better access to education and employment, their clothing becomes a means of self-expression and aspiration, as well as an effort to redefine femininity within the Romani community.

At the same time, as Gayatri Spivak notes, Roma women are often subject to exotic fantasies. Like other women from ethnic minorities, Romani women are frequently fetishised and depicted as wild, untamed, and erotically liberated. Spivak writes that white men attempt to “save brown women from brown men”, a phenomenon evident in popular culture, such as the portrayal of Esmeralda in The Hunchback of Notre Dame. The Romani woman, like the Jewish woman, embodies exoticism and mystery for others, but she is often portrayed as “wild” and “animalistic”, in contrast to the more “refined” depiction of the Jewish woman, who symbolises urban civilisation. The fetishisation of Roma women in non-Romani culture simplifies their image, turning them into a costume rather than a real person. The “Gypsy” costume has become a popular element of mass culture – frilly skirts, large earrings, and scarves worn by women are often adopted as part of boho fashion, with little understanding of their deeper cultural significance. Sulej highlights that even young girls can purchase “Gypsy costumes”, making this stereotypical image of femininity part of their early gender identity experiences.2

Romani women’s activism, however, extends beyond clothing. Increasingly, they engage in initiatives to improve the situation of women both within and outside the Romani community. They organise campaigns against domestic violence, promote education among young Romani girls, and advocate for better working conditions and healthcare access. Their work is not only a fight for gender equality but also an effort to break down stereotypes faced by the Roma community as a whole. It is important to note that patriarchal norms are deeply rooted among Roma people, as in many other societies, making the fight for women’s rights a challenge against both external prejudices and internal limitations.

Feminism among Romani women is gaining strength, though it often takes a different form compared to feminist movements in non-Roma communities. Romani feminism combines the struggle for gender equality with the aim of preserving cultural identity and countering systemic discrimination. For many Roma women, activism does not mean rejecting their culture but finding a way to reconcile tradition with modern values. This complex challenge, encompassing resistance to patriarchy and external marginalisation, is key to contemporary changes within the Romani community.

This transformation is also visible in the development of educational initiatives aimed at Romani women, who often have limited access to formal education. Education becomes a tool for building independence, influencing the future of their children and communities. It also challenges the stereotypical image of Roma women as subservient to men and traditional family roles. Today, these women are increasingly taking initiatives that allow them to speak out on important issues and fight for their futures.

These changes are neither uniform nor universal. In more conservative Roma groups, women’s roles remain strongly tied to tradition and family values, with attire such as the long skirt playing a key role in expressing this identity. Conversely, in more liberal communities, especially in large cities, young Romani women are exploring diverse forms of expression, both in clothing and lifestyle, reflecting their aspirations for greater freedom and equality.

The evolving role of Romani women is a testament to the dynamic transformation taking place within this community. Whether embracing traditional dress or modern attire, Roma women symbolise strength and determination. In their diversity, they demonstrate that Romani femininity is neither monolithic nor confined by rigid boundaries. It is an identity that continually evolves, adapting to contemporary challenges while striving to preserve the most valuable aspects of tradition.

In this way, Romani women become not only guardians of culture but also its new creators, shaping the future of their communities on their own terms. Through educational and social initiatives, they fight for women’s rights, better healthcare, and dignified living conditions for the entire community. Their activism is not merely a fight for equality within the Romani community but also a response to broader discrimination faced by Roma people daily, both in Poland and across Europe.

An important aspect of this struggle is the effort to overcome the stereotypical image of Romani women as exotic, wild, and untamed figures. As Karolina Sulej noted, this image is fetishised in mass culture – Romani women are portrayed as mysterious figures embodying sexual freedom and independence. However, in reality, Roma women are striving to regain control over their image, rejecting these prejudices and building a modern identity that combines respect for culture with a need for autonomy.

Through these processes, Roma women are becoming increasingly aware of their rights and opportunities while remaining connected to their roots. Their path to equality is not easy, but through growing involvement in feminist and socio-political movements, they are reshaping the face of their community. They are a model of strength and determination, open to change that helps them better navigate an increasingly globalised and diverse world.

Despite the numerous challenges faced by Roma women – both internal limitations stemming from tradition and external discrimination – their fight for rights and independence is yielding tangible results. They are changing not only their own lives but also influencing future generations, showing young Romani girls that it is possible to live in alignment with their values while embracing independence and freedom of choice.

This complex blend of tradition and modernity is a key aspect of the contemporary feminist movement within the Roma community. Romani women demonstrate that it is possible to maintain cultural identity while fighting for equality, freedom, and dignity – for themselves and their entire community.

1 K.Sulej, Odebrać władzę nad swoim wizerunkiem, „Dialog-Pheniben”, 7/2012

2 As above

Dr. Joanna Talewicz
Towards Dialogue Foundation

 


 

Dr. Joanna Talewicz is an anthropologist, social activist, and expert on issues related to the Roma minority, diversity, and human rights. She actively engages in both research and practical efforts to promote equality and combat discrimination, both in Poland and internationally. She is the founder and president of the Towards Dialogue Foundation and a co-founder of the Roma Community Centre in Warsaw. Dr. Talewicz is a recipient of the Batory Foundation’s Olga Kersten-Matwin Award for her ongoing integrative, educational, psychological, legal, and activist support for Romani refugees, as well as the Award for Empathy granted by the Auschwitz Human Rights Institute. She was nominated by the US Embassy in Poland for the inaugural US Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s “Award for Global Anti-Racism Champions” and recognised by the US Department of State for her work on behalf of the Roma community. She has been a scholar at Columbia University and a participant in the Leadership Academy for Poland. Dr. Talewicz has also received scholarships from the Fulbright Program, the Tom Lantos Institute, the European Commission, and the US Department of State. In 2024, she was selected for the prestigious Obama Foundation Leaders Europe programme. She is the author and editor of books and academic articles and has published in Gazeta Wyborcza, Vogue, and Newsweek.


Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.

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Historical Roma Attire

Representations of Romani clothing in a historical context, with documentary materials sourced from the collection of the Museum of Roma Culture in Warsaw.

The following collection of original single photographic prints, widely published photographs featured on postcards and in the press, graphic works (including early woodcut prints), drawings, and paintings showcases the attire of Roma women across a wide chronological range (from the mid-16th century to the early 20th century), geographical scope (from Russia and the southern Balkans to Spanish Andalusia), and cultural diversity (settled Roma, nomadic groups, Lowara, Kalderash, Cale, Ruska Roma, and other groups). It primarily features domestic, everyday clothing, and where festive or performance attire is included, it is closely tied to the canon and customs prevailing in the respective group. Even when, as in the case of settled Roma, their clothing resembled the styles of their non-Romani neighbours, it always remained somewhat distinct, characterized by unique cuts, details, or decorations. In some cases, particularly among nomadic groups, the details of the attire could unmistakably indicate group affiliation, thereby eliminating the need for Roma to verbally express their identity. These details enabled other Roma to immediately recognise the group to which someone belonged.

Everyday Romani clothing, particularly for women, was naturally subject to customary rules and, in the case of groups with nomadic traditions, also to customary law. Custom and law mandated modest attire, covering the lower body with a long, wide skirt, often supplemented with an over-apron, tying the hair, and often covering it with a scarf.

Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski

 


Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.

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Stylised Roma Attire

Depictions of stylised Roma attire, documentary materials sourced from the collection of the Museum of Roma Culture in Warsaw.

Until almost contemporary times, the iconography dedicated to the Roma, including artistic representations, was created exclusively by non-Romani artists. Thus, even when the images, portraits, or scenes depicting the Roma were captured “from life”, their creators often succumbed to alluring stereotypes of exotically dressed dancers, fortune-tellers, or women perceived as free in custom and attire. It is therefore unsurprising to see an abundance of images inspired by and stylised after the operatic Carmen.

This collection includes paintings on canvas and silk, graphics and artwork reproduced in the press and on postcards, book illustrations, theatrical costume designs, as well as porcelain figurines from Romania, Austro-Hungarian Czechia, Soviet Ukraine, textile dolls from Spain, and even a decal on a glass cake stand. The latter, produced by a Polish manufacturer during the People’s Republic of Poland era, features a pair of Romani flamenco dancers. These works range from almost realistic depictions faithfully recreating the attire of the portrayed women to imagined, often kitsch, fantasies of the fiery Roma woman.

Some of these images, reproduced and distributed in millions, like the famous Gitana dancer advertising French (but globally recognisable) Gitanes cigarettes, continue to significantly influence perceptions of the Roma and their stereotyping, even if (fortunately) not always negatively.

Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski


 


Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.

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Roma Costumes

The oldest iconographic sources reveal the diversity of Roma costumes and suggest associations with the attire of other communities with whom the Roma interacted during their migrations. Some sources depict the Roma as a highly exotic group compared to local populations, distinguished by certain anthropological traits and often by their attire. At times, they are portrayed in the garb of pilgrims, travellers, or beggars – impressions likely reflecting the perceptions of the creators of these sources. Thus, it is challenging to define the type of clothing they wore during their initial presence in Europe. It can be assumed that their garments varied in form, fabric, shape, length, and material value. Changes primarily affected elements such as skirts, petticoats, aprons, kerchiefs, and shirts.

Possibly influenced by interactions with their surroundings, the Roma altered their attire or elements of it, incorporating innovations characteristic of their previous places of residence (countries or regions). Upon arriving in new areas of Europe, their distinct clothing set them apart, often perceived as typical of their ethnicity. Elements of their attire also signified territorial connections, as exemplified by the wide trousers worn by Muslim Romani women in the Balkans, broad belts (aravli) in Transylvania, loose trousers and jackets among Polish Roma men, or the broad-brimmed black hats typical of the Gabors in Transylvania.

Over time, the Roma began to regard clothing as an indicator of their identity, status, and even religion. Attire, and sometimes specific elements or colours, acquired special significance, marking affiliation with particular Romani groups. In some groups, a dress code emerged as a hallmark of identity. This code included mandatory shared elements while allowing individuality, often expressed through decoration. Such dress codes defined what was acceptable, permissible, or forbidden, uniting the group and distinguishing it from non-Roma communities (gadje) and other Romani groups. Within the group, clothing also conveyed additional meanings: for women, it signified social status (e.g., single, married) and even sexual maturity, indicating readiness for marriage.

Kalderash attire, particularly among women, stands out for its vibrancy and richness. Red elements, associated with magical protective properties against external threats, dominate women’s clothing. Kalderash women wear colourful floral blouses (historically without buttons, tied at the waist with ribbons) often paired with vests. Their skirts, voluminous and brightly coloured, either contrast with or complement the blouse’s colours. In Romani tradition, skirts are considered a particularly impure garment – if thrown on or touched by a man, it could defile him, requiring ritual purification.

Roma skirts are long (often reaching the ground), densely pleated, and tied at the front. Kalderash women wear aprons (kentrica), a type of apron tied at the back, usually made from the same fabric and colour as the skirts. The apron has a magical-protective function, separating the impurity of the skirt from outsiders and shielding the Romani women’s clothing from the uncleanliness of the gadje. It often includes pockets for personal items such as cigarettes, money, and cards, protecting them from contact with the “impure” skirt. Underneath the skirts, Kalderash women wear petticoats (fusta), often embroidered or trimmed with lace, with at least one white petticoat closest to the body being obligatory. Married Kalderash women are required to wear head coverings, typically colourful, floral, and brightly hued kerchiefs tied in a specific way at the back of the head. Until the mid-20th century, many Romani women in various regions went barefoot.

The posoci, a special type of pocket often made from pillowcases with sewn-in ribbons and zippers, was exclusively worn by women, tied at the waist, usually under the apron or sometimes externally. It served to carry personal items such as cards, cigarettes, and pipes. The posoci also had a protective function, separating the items within it from the “impure” skirt. Occasionally referred to as a “thief’s pocket” by gadje, it was often used to quickly conceal various “treasures”. Bright, patterned fabrics with colourful, shiny decorations (e.g., metal dragons, colourful buttons, preferably red) were chosen for making posoci, likely serving protective purposes.

Married Kalderash men wore mandatory headgear, including tall black lamb’s wool caps (common in Romania, Hungary, Serbia, Moldova, and Bulgaria) or black hats with a distinctive brim turned up at the sides and back. These hats often featured dark ribbons with a thin double white edging, fastened at the front with a small brass buckle. The hat symbolised tribal affiliation and provided protection from the elements. Kalderash men also wore shirts, traditionally white or patterned, often layered with dark waistcoats, usually black, with interior pockets for small items. The Kalderash attire from Romania likely influenced the development of other Romani groups’ clothing, which was previously simpler and less colourful. Historically, they wore thick quilted trousers, sometimes embroidered with floral patterns. Today, they wear ordinary fabric trousers in dark colours (black or dark grey). Shoes, once black with high shafts into which trousers were tucked, are now typically dark loafers.

Men wore belts – trzos – fastened with several buckles, often embossed and studded with rivets, sometimes featuring colourful leather appliqués or interwoven coloured straps. These belts could include pockets on the inner or outer side for documents or money. Sometimes, belts were made from folded leather, creating a pocket along almost the entire length. Some were embossed with geometric (e.g., circles, diamonds) and floral designs. Others featured small embossed crosses with apotropaic (protective) properties, sometimes including the date of manufacture, hot-pressed into the leather. Belts were typically purchased from non-Romani craftsmen, often at fairs.

The distinctive clothing of the Gabors (in Romanian – Hungarian Gypsies) is notable. Their name derives from Gábor Bethlen, the ruler of Transylvania (1613–1629), known for reforms benefiting the Roma, including liberation from slavery. Out of gratitude, they adopted his name for their group. This group is also referred to as “White Gypsies”. Gabor women’s attire mirrors the style and colour of Kalderash women’s clothing, though red is less dominant, with white, green, and violet often appearing in floral skirts. Married women wear headscarves, while girls braid their hair with red ribbons and bows. With age, skirt colours become more subdued, turning black or navy for funerals. Gabor men typically wear black hats with wide brims, resembling those of Hasidic Jews or Mormons. They wear white or dark shirts and loose dark (often black) trousers, along with black waistcoats made from leather or fabric. A distinctive custom involves carrying pocket watches on chains. Men do not shave their moustaches, and some grow sideburns.

Within the Romani community, jewellery and ornaments are widespread. These are usually made of gold or silver, though historical sources mention copper ornaments in previous centuries. For women, large, heavy earrings are almost obligatory, often decorated with red coral, serving an apotropaic function. Jewellery is typically custom-made. Roma women also favour bracelets, rings, and necklaces, often crafted from coins strung on cords or ribbons. Women sometimes wove coins into their hair by threading ribbons or strands of hair through holes in the coins. Romani women also occasionally wore coral necklaces. Men preferred signet rings, often gold or silver, sometimes made from coins and ornately decorated, frequently set with stones. Large, heavy signet rings symbolised wealth. Men also commonly wore gold chains, thick and heavy, often ending in crosses or large pendants.

In the Balkans, Romani Muslim communities are distinguished by specific attire. Women wear shalwar – colourful, patterned trousers sometimes paired with skirts. Longer tunics reaching just above the knees, revealing the trousers underneath, are also common. Their heads are adorned with scarves tied in an Eastern style, resembling turbans. Historically, Romani Muslim women in the Balkans wore upturned-toe shoes, a practice now rare. Their feet and legs are entirely covered. Men’s headwear included turbans or fezzes in the past, but today they wear various caps, usually in dark colours.

Children’s clothing often mimicked adult attire, regardless of gender. Young girls frequently wore brightly coloured bows in their hair (braids), possibly serving a protective magical function. Other clothing mirrored the dress of adult women from their group. Similarly, boys’ clothing replicated adult men’s outfits, often including hats mandatory for adult men. This led gadje communities to perceive boys’ clothing as age-inappropriate, while for the Roma, it reflected tradition. Modern migrations, global access to cultural goods, rapid cultural exchange, and crossing cultural and social boundaries have increasingly embraced the heritage of various ethnic and regional groups, including their designs.


Photographs by Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski.

Paweł Lechowski, born in Kraków in 1948, began establishing connections with locals and visiting Roma during his secondary school years at V Liceum im. Augusta Witkowskiego in Kraków. His interactions deepened in the late 1960s while studying ethnography at Jagiellonian University. Through fieldwork and trips to Spiš, he became acquainted with the Roman community in Czarna Góra, broadening his network to include Kraków, Nowa Huta, and other regions of Poland (Podhale, Orava, Upper and Lower Silesia). Between 1977 and 1979, he informally assisted with Andrzej Bartosz’s “Gypsies in Polish Culture” exhibition at the Tarnów Museum. Subsequent years saw him deepen his understanding of various Roma communities (Tarnów, Dębica, Gorzów Wielkopolski, Olsztyn, Szczawnica, Nowy Sącz, and others). He also met other Romani researchers, including Jerzy Ficowski, Professor Lach Mróz, photographer Janusz Helfer, and others. During his tenure at the Ethnographic Museum in Tarnów (1986–1993), his interactions with Roma and individuals and institutions dedicated to this community intensified both in Poland and abroad (e.g., Edward Dębicki, Eva Davidova from the Czech Republic, Marcel Courthiade from France, Lev Cherenkov from Russia, Katalin Kovalcsik from Hungary, the Borderland Centre in Sejny, and the “Rma than” Theatre in Košice). In 1990, he organised the “Romani Handicrafts and Art” exhibition during the 4th World Romani Congress in Warsaw, marking the beginning of his systematic collection of Romani artefacts. This period also included numerous exhibitions (Warsaw, Łomża, Białystok). The 1990s marked the peak of his daily interactions with Roma migrants from Romania, aiding them as a translator and intermediary with Polish institutions. These close relationships facilitated frequent visits to Romania and the acquisition of new items for his collection. Currently, as a member of the Roma Educational Association Harangos, he is involved in its projects and initiatives and other efforts supporting Roma by individuals, associations, and institutions. With the support of kind individuals, he strives to secure a permanent, safe, and professional space for his growing collection.

The historical text was developed by Paweł Lechowski with contributions from Łukasz Kocój and Dr. Ewa Kocój. Photographs are from Paweł Lechowski’s collection. The article was shared by the Przestrzenie Dziedzictwa Foundation and adapted for the Roma Culture Site by Andrzej Grzymała-Kazłowski.



Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.

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Interview with Wanda Rutowicz, Owner of the Romani Fashion Studio

Wanda Rutowicz in her studio, photo by Małgorzata Brus

“Roma women are disadvantaged. Hundreds of designers create collections for Polish women, but no one thinks about women living in Poland but belonging to a different culture. Yet, Roma women have their own desires. They want to dress fashionably while preserving their culture, with all its rules and customs. That’s why I decided to create collections for the Roma community, including formal, everyday, and stage outfits.”
Wanda Rutowicz


Małgorzata Brus: When I search for “Wanda Rutowicz” online, I see information stating that you are an internationally recognised designer of Romani costumes. Do you have Roma roots?

Wanda Rutowicz: Yes, but mostly in spirit. My father looked like a Roma man, so all our friends assumed I had Romani blood. My grandmother was a beautiful woman, and Romani caravans used to pass through, so who knows? I once wrote a fairy tale about the Romani people, inspired by the village where my grandparents came from. It makes me think it must have come from somewhere… From a young age, I loved traditional Roma culture, though at the time, I didn’t know I would one day be professionally involved in sewing Roma dresses. There’s definitely something within me, so perhaps I do indeed have Romani roots.

Romani Fashion Studio… How do you define “Romani fashion”?

To most people, “Romani fashion” is associated with stage costumes, which, let’s be honest, are designed to meet the audience’s expectations. People attending concerts or shows want to see something stunning, and television also dictates certain standards. Everything must look beautiful – ruffles, sequins, and vibrant colours are a must. During performances, people want to see something spectacular, a beautiful show – it’s not just about dancing around a fire in a wider skirt. Audiences come to admire the shimmering sequins, the gorgeous dresses, and the women who look like colourful birds or butterflies. It’s like a fairy tale.

Photo: Wanda Rutowicz

Where did your passion and interest in Romani stage costumes originate? Is it limited to stage costumes?

Not at all, it’s not just about stage costumes. Like many things in life, it all happened by chance. I had a tailoring workshop with 15 employees, making garments for export to the US, France, and Germany. One day – a Wednesday, I remember – a young Romani woman came in, crying, and asked me to sew her a dress. I thought, “Holy Mother of Częstochowa, everything’s already chaotic here, and now she wants a dress?” But I felt sorry for her. Her luggage had gone missing, she’d flown in from England and was attending a Roma wedding. Roma weddings aren’t only on Saturdays or Sundays, like Polish ones – they can take place during the week and last for several days. The poor girl had nothing to wear, so I agreed. She brought fabric that looked more suitable for curtains – chiffon with crumpled flowers. She was amusing and wanted a long dress with a matching ruffled coat and oversized ruffles on the sleeves. I said, “Alright”, and I sewed it. When my daughter, who wore the same size, came into work, I told her to try it on. She looked beautiful, though a bit like she was in a negligee. I thought, “Oh God, this girl is going to show up at the wedding like this?” But when the Romani woman came to pick it up and tried it on, it was pure magic! She knew how to wear it and make it shine. That’s how it all began. After that first dress, I started receiving a flood of orders from the Romani community. It’s not easy to obtain proper Romani attire due to their customs, and designers rarely consider this. Some women, for example, pin their skirts closed with safety pins because they’re not allowed to show their legs. Others sew random patches onto their outfits to cover their shoulders. I love creating beautiful things, and Roma attire is one of the most beautiful in the world, so I took it seriously and began designing and sewing Romani costumes.

Photo: Wanda Rutowicz

Fashion is constantly evolving, with changes happening ever more rapidly. Is this also true for Roma attire? Are there significant changes influenced by customs or technology, or does tradition dominate and keep the costumes resistant to global trends?

For 25 years, I’ve worked hard to modernise Romani attire. Young women can’t dress as they did in the past, such as during the caravan days – that’s obvious. They want to look stylish. Roma women love dressing up, so their clothing must also evolve. However, many changes depend on family and community, as well as historical and cultural contexts. Regarding elements directly dictated by Romanipen (the Romani cultural code), I modernise the outfits while preserving cultural values. For instance, I don’t reveal too much or emphasise their figures excessively, yet I ensure the garments are contemporary. I once showcased my designs in Płock, and I’m proud to say that Romani elders came backstage to congratulate me on my work. They thanked me for promoting Romani culture and for not trying to change it forcibly. It was a great honour for me.

You own the “Romani Fashion Studio”, the only one in Europe and renowned worldwide. Do you design all the outfits yourself, or do you have a team assisting you in the creative process?

Photo: Wanda Rutowicz in her studio, photo by Małgorzata Brus

There’s no set method. I used to employ people to help me, but it’s hard to find skilled individuals for this work. Contrary to appearances, sewing a traditional Romani dress isn’t easy. Romani dances are incredibly dynamic, so the costumes must hold up. A single skirt can have a circumference of 8 metres and nearly 100 metres of ruffles at the hem! I used to outsource sequin and embellishment work, but when I asked seamstresses to reinforce the stitching by going over it three times, they often ignored this for the sake of speed. Then, during performances, dancers would spin, and sequins would fall off – completely unacceptable. Now, I do everything myself – designing and sewing. It takes longer, but I’m confident in the results.

I found a page on Facebook named “Wanda Rutowicz & Bruce Stradling”. Upon further research, I see that Bruce Stradling is an artist and designer of graphics and textiles. What is your collaboration like? What do you create together?

Bruce Stradling is my friend. He’s an artist, a graphic designer, and a textile designer. Thanks to our collaboration, we’ve created unique dresses, such as the “card deck dress” and the “rose dress”. We’re now working on a dress inspired by a piano keyboard.

Anna Popek in the card deck dress, photo by Wanda Rutowicz

Romani dresses, especially stage costumes, are known for their richness and diversity of fabrics and haberdashery accessories. On average, how much fabric and additional materials are needed to create a dress?

Every dress – at least mine – requires meticulous calculations to ensure it “dances” well. To avoid becoming a burden for the dancer, the fabric weights must harmonise. My dresses usually incorporate five or six types of fabric, carefully matched in terms of colour and weight. Only then does the dress come together. How much fabric? Four metres are needed for the skirt, while the bottom ruffle alone requires 70 to 100 metres. Additionally, there’s an underskirt underneath. The bodice can be as simple as a stretchy blouse. Some dancers love corsets with boning – they’re stiff and restrictive but look stunning. Others prefer dresses in one piece. The possibilities are endless. The key is for the dancer to feel comfortable and free in the outfit. I have clients who prefer their skirts to be ankle-length, while others want the hem to graze the floor because it makes dancing easier for them. I fulfil their dreams. I source haberdashery accessories from Italy, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia. I find them wherever I can. I buy additional items, like earrings and flowers for embellishments, from Indian shops. Sometimes, I sew gemstones by hand onto the dresses. We even make hair flowers ourselves because it’s nearly impossible to find the perfect ones for dancing. Over 25 years, I’ve never repeated the same dress. There’s no production line, every dress I make is unique and distinct.

Do you also sew outfits for men?

Rarely, but yes. For example, I sew stage shirts. I’ve made about four beautiful, jewel-encrusted coats for Bogdan Trojanek because he loves such things. I’ve also created several costumes for Don Vasyl and his band members.

Bogdan Trojanek, photo from the Romani Fashion Studio archives

Do clients come with their own designs and expectations? Is it usually custom tailoring? Or can people visit your studio and buy ready-made dresses?

I always try to keep a few ready-made dresses in stock, in sizes ranging roughly from 36 to 42. These typically include an elastic blouse and a skirt with a waistband, so they fit most women. Of course, there are also custom orders. If someone wants a specific dress, I sew it to measure.

Photo: Wanda Rutowicz

Do clients bring their own fabrics, or do they rely on your suggestions?

Absolutely not – I don’t encourage clients to bring their own fabrics. As I mentioned earlier, a dress comprises multiple types of fabric, carefully matched in colour and weight. It can’t be just any fabric. I’ve made two dresses from client-supplied materials, and honestly, it wasn’t a good decision. For stage costumes, it’s entirely out of the question. For formal or festive outfits, I’m more flexible. Some clients bring stunning fabrics from England or France and ask me to sew dresses from them.

Which well-known artists and ensembles wear your designs?

The question should be: who doesn’t? My designs are worn by the Rajfer sisters from Israel, Bogdan Trojanek, Rada Zivkovic, and Rada Bogusławska. I dress Anna Popek for all Roma festivals. Don Vasyl, Elwira Mejk from the band Mejk, and many more artists wear my creations.

Don Vasyl and Wanda Rutowicz, photo from the Romani Fashion Studio archives

Do “ordinary” people also order from you? Who are your clients, and for what occasions do they commission outfits?

A lot of so-called ordinary people order Roma dresses. The culture of Romani attire is no longer taboo – enthusiasts can finally fulfil their dreams. Recently, I made dresses and shirts for a young couple and their family because they wanted to celebrate their wedding after-party in Romani style. There are also New Year’s Eve parties, carnivals, and other dance events where such dresses always leave an impression.

How long does it take to sew a typical non-stage dress? And I must ask – how much does a Romani dress cost?

The time varies, from a month to several months, depending on the design. As for the cost, let’s not discuss exact numbers since every dress is a unique project with individual pricing. However, a mid-range dress typically costs between 3,000 and 3,500 złoty.

You create tremendous cultural value, a historical record in the form of Romani attire, showcasing the material culture of Roma people in Poland. Have you considered creating an exhibition to display your work and artistic achievements?

I have no idea if anyone would take interest, though there is a large Romani community here in the Łódź region. It might be worthwhile to think about a permanent exhibition dedicated to the history of Romani attire. This could include replicas of caravan-era costumes and later styles, showcasing the evolution of Romani fashion up to the present day. It would make sense and serve as excellent documentation of Polish Romani culture.

Thank you for the conversation.
— Małgorzata Brus

Realised stage costume designs from the Romani Fashion Studio

Photos courtesy of the Romani Fashion Studio archives


Funded by KPO funds. GRANTS 2024. A2.5.1: Programme for Supporting Activities of the Cultural and Creative Sectors to Stimulate Their Development.

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